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Geopolitics & DefenseNational Security

Australia Targets Tougher Middle East Stance to Counter Iran Threats

Australian naval vessel patrols coastline with security emblem on console.

"A tougher approach is necessary because Iran and its terrorist proxies threaten Australian prosperity by choking maritime trade, undermining the law of the sea." — ASPI Strategist

Domestic security: Bondi attack, national threat level and antisemitism

The article argues that Australia's first priority should be "tighter domestic security." It notes the government raised the national terrorism threat level and tightened laws to counter state-sponsored terrorist networks before the Bondi terrorist attack in December. Those steps followed Iran's use of criminal proxies to target Jews in Australia, which the piece cites as a direct spur to policy change.

Dennis Richardson, the former head of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation, is quoted arguing that more could have been done to call out antisemitism after 7 October 2023. The article says Australians who "idolised violent ‘resistance’ against Israel set the tone for the murder of Australian Jews." It also highlights the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion, whose final report is due in December, and urges that the commission recommend protections that preserve Australians' freedom to criticise Israel without tolerating incitement against Jews that masquerades as anti‑Zionism.

Diplomacy with the UAE and Israel as practical partners

Canberra has identified the United Arab Emirates as a "regional powerbroker and a bulwark against Tehran." The article points to Australian-supplied air-defence equipment to Abu Dhabi earlier this year as a possible anchor for a deep strategic partnership. It emphasises the UAE's utility as a bridge to a broad range of states: the UAE is a member of BRICS, which includes Iran, and sits in the I2U2 grouping alongside India, Israel and the US.

The article says relations with Israel — "the most powerful Middle Eastern country" — are in need of attention. It acknowledges that Canberra cannot ignore actions that hamper the prospects for a two-state solution, such as the expansion of illegal settlements in the West Bank, and points to political gestures that have not helped, including Australia recognising Palestinian statehood in 2025 before the Palestinian Authority had tackled endemic corruption. The piece recommends restoring backchannels with Israel and restarting the Be’er Sheva Dialogue, the annual meeting that ASPI co-convened until it was shuttered by Hamas' terrorism in 2023.

Multilateral initiatives: Declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel and MIKTA

On multilateralism, the piece highlights Foreign Affairs Minister Penny Wong's leadership on the Declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel, an initiative spurred by the mistaken killing in Gaza of Zomi Frankcom, an Australian aid worker, by the Israeli Defence Force in 2024. It notes that two-thirds of UN member states supported the declaration one year after its launch.

Australia's engagement with Turkey in MIKTA since 2013 is also noted; MIKTA includes Mexico, Indonesia and South Korea. Yet the article cautions that "UN bandwagons and hodgepodge groups of nations tend to be limited in scope and prone to anodyne rhetoric." It states the declaration has not squarely addressed the use of human shields, including by Iran-backed terrorists, and that MIKTA tends to discuss global governance rather than specific regional problems.

Keeping relations with Iran on ice and using backchannels

The piece recommends that "Australia's relationship with Iran should stay on ice" until Tehran has demonstrably given up nuclear ambitions, released its grip on the Strait of Hormuz and stopped sponsoring terrorism abroad. It argues that by strengthening networks in the Middle East, Australia could gain "insights and backchannels into Tehran" — an approach the article prefers over rushing to reopen the embassy in Tehran or welcoming an Iranian ambassador back to Canberra.

The context in the article also notes Iran's likely involvement in a foiled attempt to attack US bases in Britain last month as a reminder that the threat persists, reinforcing the case for a cautious, networked approach rather than early diplomatic normalisation.

What this means for Australian policymakers, Australian Jews, and regional partners (UAE, Israel)

  • Australian policymakers: Expect continued emphasis on legal and intelligence tools at home — the article urges tougher domestic security and use of networks and multilateral forums abroad rather than unilateral diplomacy with Tehran.
  • Australian Jewish communities: The article stresses the need for clearer public condemnation of antisemitism and for the Royal Commission to draw a line between legitimate criticism of Israel and incitement against Jews.
  • UAE and Israel: Canberra is advised to deepen practical security and intelligence ties — the UAE through defence cooperation and its convening reach, Israel through backchannels and a restored Be’er Sheva Dialogue to regain strategic access to intelligence and technology.

The argument is straightforward: Canberra has tools it can sharpen at home and partners it can cultivate abroad. The article concludes that only by "stepping up and becoming more hardheaded" will Australia deliver the security, commercial stability and regional influence it needs to counter threats traced to Tehran. The concrete near-term tests are the December royal commission report, the status of Be’er Sheva Dialogue restoration, and whether Canberra intensifies operational ties with the UAE and Israel rather than seeking early diplomatic reopening with Iran.

Original article